Afghanistan

 By GENE JOHNSON
Associated Press/DVIDS, Spc. Ryan Hallock, File - FILE - In this Aug. 23, 2011, file photo provided by the Defense Video & Imagery Distribution System, Army Staff Sgt. Robert Bales participates in an exercise at the National Training Center at Fort Irwin, Calif. Bales, charged with slaughtering 16 villagers during one of the worst atrocities of the Afghanistan war, has agreed to plead guilty in a deal to avoid the death penalty, his attorney told The Associated Press on Wednesday May 29, 2013. (AP Photo/DVIDS, Spc. Ryan Hallock, File)

Associated Press/DVIDS, Spc. Ryan Hallock, File – FILE – In this Aug. 23, 2011, file photo provided by the Defense Video & Imagery Distribution System, Army Staff Sgt. Robert Bales participates in an exercise at the National Training Center at Fort Irwin, Calif. Bales, charged with slaughtering 16 villagers during one of the worst atrocities of the Afghanistan war, has agreed to plead guilty in a deal to avoid the death penalty, his attorney told The Associated Press on Wednesday May 29, 2013. (AP Photo/DVIDS, Spc. Ryan Hallock, File)

SEATTLE (AP) — The Army staff sergeant charged with slaughtering 16 villagers in one of the worst atrocities of the Afghanistan war will plead guilty to avoid the death penalty in a deal that requires him to recount the horrific attack for the first time, his attorney told The Associated Press on Wednesday.

Staff Sgt. Robert Bales was “crazed” and “broken” when he slipped away from his remote southern Afghanistan outpost and attacked mud-walled compounds in two slumbering villages nearby, lawyer John Henry Browne said.

But his client’s mental state didn’t rise to the level of a legal insanity defense, Browne said, and Bales will plead guilty next week.

The outcome of the case carries high stakes. The Army had been trying to have Bales executed, and Afghan villagers have demanded it. In interviews with the AP in Kandahar last month, relatives of the victims became outraged at the notion Bales might escape the death penalty.

“For this one thing, we would kill 100 American soldiers,” vowed Mohammed Wazir, who had 11 family members killed that night, including his mother and 2-year-old daughter.

“A prison sentence doesn’t mean anything,” said Said Jan, whose wife and three other relatives died. “I know we have no power now. But I will become stronger, and if he does not hang, I will have my revenge.”

Any plea deal must be approved by the judge as well as the commanding general at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, where Bales is being held. A plea hearing is set for June 5, said Lt. Col. Gary Dangerfield, an Army spokesman. He said he could not immediately provide other details.

“The judge will be asking questions of Sgt. Bales about what he did, what he remembers and his state of mind,” said Browne, who told the AP the commanding general has already approved the deal. “The deal that has been worked out … is they take the death penalty off the table, and he pleads as charged, pretty much.”

A sentencing-phase trial set for September will determine whether Bales is sentenced to life in prison with or without the possibility of parole.

Browne previously indicated Bales remembered little from the night of the massacre, and he said that was true in the early days after the attack. But as further details and records emerged, Bales began to remember what he did, the lawyer said, and he will admit to “very specific facts” about the shootings.

Browne would not elaborate on what his client will tell the judge.

Bales, an Ohio native and father of two from Lake Tapps, Wash., had been drinking contraband alcohol, snorting Valium that was provided to him by another soldier, and had been taking steroids before the attack. He slipped away from his remote southern Afghanistan outpost at Camp Belambay early on March 11, 2012, and attacked compounds.

Testimony at a hearing last fall established that Bales returned to his base between attacking the villages, woke up a fellow soldier and confessed. The soldier didn’t believe him and went back to sleep, and Bales left again to continue the slaughter.

Most of the victims were women and children, and some of the bodies were piled and burned. The slayings drew such angry protests that the U.S. temporarily halted combat operations in Afghanistan. It was three weeks before American investigators could reach the crime scenes.

Browne said his client, who was on his fourth combat deployment, was suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder and a traumatic brain injury. He continued to blame the Army for sending him back to war in the first place.

“He’s broken, and we broke him,” Browne said.

The massacre raised questions about the toll multiple deployments were taking on American troops. For that reason, many legal experts believed it that it was unlikely that he would receive the death penalty, as Army prosecutors were seeking. The military justice system hasn’t executed anyone since 1961.

The defense team, including military lawyers assigned to Bales as well as Browne’s co-counsel, Emma Scanlan, eventually determined after having Bales examined by psychiatrists that he would not be able to prove any claim of insanity or diminished capacity at the time of the attack, Browne said.

“His mental state does not rise to the level of a legal insanity defense,” Browne said. “But his state of mind will be very important at the trial in September. We’ll talk about his mental capacities or lack thereof, and other factors that were important to his state of mind.”

Browne acknowledged the plea deal could inflame tensions in Afghanistan and said he was disappointed the case has not done more to focus public opinion on the war.

“It’s a very delicate situation. I am concerned there could be a backlash,” he said. “My personal goal is to save Bob from the death penalty. Getting the public to pay more attention to the war is secondary to what I have to do.”

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Johnson can be reached at https://twitter.com/GeneAPseattle

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AP’s special regional correspondent for Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kathy Gannon, contributed from Kandahar.

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FD Editor’s Note:  This has to be the worst idea I’ve heard yet.  Would this be any better than it is now?  Or would it be worse?  The detainees say the prison at Bagram was much worse.  The other, pul-i-charkhi is, from what I hear, no better than that.  

By Meena Haseeb

President-Karzai_a-300x130Afghan president Hamid Karzai once again urged United States of America to transfer Afghan detainees from Guantanamo prison to Afghanistan.

Presidential palace spokesman Aimal Faizi on Sunday said president Hamid Karzai welcomed his US counterpart president Barack Obama’s efforts to close Guantanamo prison.

President Karzai during his visit to United States of America earlier this year also urged US officials to hand over Afghan detainees in Guantanamo prison to Afghanistan.

Aimal Faizi said president Hamid Karzai has once again insisted to consider Afghanistan’s demand in this regard.

President Obama reiterated his commitment in a counterterrorism speech last week and outlined steps he would take to close the US military prison at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba.

Obama also urged US congress to end ban on transfer of inmates from Guantanamo prison.

In the meantime Aimal Faizi said that president Karzai is expecting that the US congress lift ban on transfer of inmates from Guantanamo to their homeland.

Follow Khaama Press (KP) | Afghan Online Newspaper on Twitter, become a fan on Facebook. Stay updated via RSS

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KANDAHAR, Afghanistan — Sitting on a dirty straw mat on the parched ground of southern Afghanistan, Masooma sank deeper inside a giant black shawl. Hidden from view, her words burst forth as she told her side of what happened to her family sometime before dawn on March 11, 2012.

According to Masooma, an American soldier wearing a helmet equipped with a flashlight burst into her two-room mud home while everyone slept. He killed her husband, Dawood, punched her 7-year-old son and shoved a pistol into the mouth of his baby brother.

“We were asleep. He came in and he was shouting, saying something about Taliban, Taliban, and then he pulled my husband up. I screamed and screamed and said, `We are not Taliban, we are not government. We are no one. Please don’t hurt us,’” she said.

The soldier wasn’t listening. He pointed his pistol at Masooma to quiet her and pushed her husband into the living room.

“My husband just looked back at me and said, `I will be back.’” Seconds later she heard gunshots, she recalled, her voice cracking as she was momentarily unable to speak. Her husband was dead.

Masooma, who like many Afghans uses only one name, defied tribal traditions that prohibit women from speaking to strangers to talk to The Associated Press while – half a world away – the military prepares to court-martial a U.S. serviceman in the killing of her husband and 15 other Afghan civilians, mainly women and children.

The AP also interviewed other villagers about the case, all of whom are identified by the U.S. Army as witnesses or relatives of witnesses. They included a sister and brother who were wounded and two men who were away during the killings and returned to find wives and children slain. The sister and brother told AP how they tried to run away and hide from a soldier with a gun, only to be shot – and see their neighbors and grandmother killed.

U.S. Army Staff Sgt. Robert Bales of Lake Tapps, Washington, is accused of the killings. Prosecutors say Bales slipped away from his remote outpost to attack two nearby villages, returning in the middle of the rampage and then for a final time soaked in blood. During a hearing last fall, other soldiers testified that Bales spent the evening before the massacre watching a movie about revenge killings, sharing contraband whiskey from a plastic bottle and discussing an attack that cost one of their comrades his leg.

Bales has not entered a plea, but his lawyers have not disputed his involvement in the killings. They have said his mental health may be part of his defense; he was on his fourth combat deployment and had suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder as well as a concussive head injury while serving in Iraq. The Army is seeking the death penalty.

The killings took place in Kandahar’s Panjwai district, deep in the ethnic Pashtun heartland that spawned the Taliban movement, an area where women are hidden inside all-enveloping burqas and rarely leave their homes.

Masooma’s account of the night has been reported variously over the past year, differing over details such as whether there was one or more than one U.S. soldier involved. However, the four hours she recently spent with the AP was her first face-to-face interview with a news organization. She spoke as her burly brother-in-law Baraan loomed nearby.

The interview took place outside Baraan’s single-story mud home in Kandahar city, because Alokzai and Najiban villages, where the killings occurred, are too hostile for foreigners to visit. Even in Kandahar, some 150 kilometers (90 miles) away, the AP journalists sought to avoid being seen by Baraan’s neighbors, who he feared would react negatively to their presence.

Masooma said that the soldier returned to the family’s bedroom after killing her husband. She stood in terror. Her children hid under their blankets. The soldier moved slowly and seemed angry. Gesturing to show how he hit her in the arms and shoved her to the ground, Masooma said he then moved toward her son Hikmatullah, then 7.

Her son said he remembers the sight of the attacker in full military uniform. “I was so afraid. I pretended I was asleep,” he said.

Masooma said the soldier found Hikmatullah and punched him repeatedly in the head.

She said the soldier then found her 2-year-old daughter, Shahara. He grabbed her pigtails and violently shook her head back and forth.

He then went to the crying baby Hazratullah and shoved the muzzle of his black pistol into the infant’s mouth, she said.

“He just held it there in his mouth. I screamed and screamed, `He is just a baby. Don’t kill him. Don’t kill him.’ But he just kept the gun in his mouth. He didn’t say anything. He just stared at him,” she recalled. As she recounted the attack, Hazratullah fussed and squirmed beneath the giant shawl that enveloped her.

After some time, she said, the soldier took the gun from the baby’s mouth and walked back into the living room. Masooma dug her bare foot into the dirt to demonstrate how the soldier slipped his foot beneath her husband’s head to lift it from the floor, as if to be sure he was really dead. The soldier looked down at her husband, shrugged his shoulders and returned to searching her home. After he finished rifling through their belongings, he left.

Investigators say Bales was armed with a 9 mm pistol and an M-4 rifle outfitted with a grenade launcher when he walked off his base and went on a nighttime killing spree in five homes, including Masooma’s. He faces 16 counts of premeditated murder; six counts of attempted murder; seven counts of assault; and one count each of possessing steroids, using steroids, destroying a laptop, burning bodies, and using alcohol. He is being held in a military prison at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, south of Seattle in Washington state.

On April 23, Bales appeared in a military courtroom at Joint Base Lewis-McChord for a hearing that focused on what might happen if he is convicted, including which relatives and friends could speak on his behalf during a sentencing hearing. Such testimony could help determine whether he receives the death penalty.

The U.S. government flew Baraan and five other Afghan men – all members of families who were attacked – to Seattle to familiarize them with the U.S. judicial system and notify them that they would likely have to return when the court-martial begins in September. Only three of those who went to the U.S. in March said they saw the attack. Some, like Baraan, went on behalf of relatives who were slain or women prevented from traveling.

None of the Afghan witnesses was able to identify Bales as the attacker, but other evidence, including tests of the blood on his clothes, implicated him, according to testimony from a DNA expert.

The AP also spoke with several others who survived the attack or lost family members. To avoid putting the Afghans in danger should they be seen talking to foreigners, the AP arranged for those interviews to take place at a nondescript hotel in Kandahar. The Afghans drove the dusty, dangerous road from their villages to the hotel and then returned home.

Said Jan, an elderly man who was visiting Kandahar during the attack and lost his wife and three other family members, said he went to the United States expecting justice.

“I thought we were going to America to see him hanged,” Said Jan said. “Instead they showed us a courtroom and kept us in rooms asking us more and more questions.”

Said Jan said he wasn’t interested in returning for the trial.

“None of us will go,” agreed Mohammed Wazir, who also went to the U.S. in March. “Why would we care about seeing America? We will only go if he is hanged.”

Wazir said he returned home from a trip the morning after the attack to find 11 members of his family dead – his wife, his mother, two brothers, a 13-year-old nephew and his six children. Their bodies were partially burned.

He was left only with his 3-year-old son, Habib Shah, who had accompanied him on the trip to Spin Boldak, a town on the Pakistani border.

While Wazir spoke of the horror of finding his home spattered with blood, still smelling of burned flesh, Habib, now 4, played by his side, chewing on his toy police car, occasionally running it across his father’s legs, loading small candies on the roof and giggling when they tumbled off.

“He misses his mother all the time,” Wazir said, trying to straighten Habib’s curly brown hair.

From another home that was attacked that night, 16-year-old Rafiullah remembers the American soldier smashing through the door waving his pistol. Awakened in a small room with his grandmother and his sister Zardana, he said he didn’t know what to do. “We just ran and he ran after us.”

Zardana, 11, said a cousin dashed over to help. He was shot and killed, she said. “We couldn’t stop. We just wanted somewhere to hide. I was holding on to my grandmother and we ran to our neighbors.” Their neighbor, Naim, came out of his house to see what the noise was all about and was shot and wounded. His daughter then ran to him but was killed by the American soldier, Zardana said, struggling to remember and fiddling with her green scarf decorated with tiny sequins.

Zardana, who said she saw soldiers in a nearby field as she ran from one house to the next, remembers trying to hide behind her grandmother at the neighbor’s house. But the soldier found them.

Gesturing with his hand as if spraying the room with gunfire, Rafiullah said the soldier “just went bang, bang, bang.”

Rafiullah was wounded in both his legs, his grandmother was killed and Zardana was shot in the head.

She removed her scarf to show where the wound had healed; the effects will last a lifetime. She suffered nerve damage on her left side and has to walk with a cane. Her hand is too weak to hold anything heavy.

Zardana spent about two months recovering at the Kandahar Air Base hospital and three more at a naval hospital in San Diego receiving rehabilitation therapy, accompanied by her father, Samiullah.

Listening as she spoke, Samiullah smiled at his lanky daughter, encouraging her to say the only English phrase she knows: “Thank you.”

Zardana spoke of her treatment in San Diego and the doctors and nurses who helped her learn to walk again, gave her toys and still find ways to stay in touch.

“They showed me so much love,” she said with a tiny smile. “They asked me about what happened and when I told them how my grandmother died and how afraid I was and how I was shot, they cried and cried.”

The accounts of many villagers have varied over the past year, making it a challenge for investigators and journalists to find out a full narrative of the attack.

For example, Masooma gave an telephone interview to a reporter days after the attack, with Baraan, her brother-in-law, acting as a translator. According to the resulting story, she described a single attacker in her home, but said she saw many soldiers outside.

Three months later, her family allowed a female Army investigator to question her. The investigator testified at a hearing last fall that Masooma clearly stated two soldiers carried out the attack. The investigator said she had no reason to doubt Masooma’s credibility.

At the same hearing, Baraan testified, insisting Masooma was mistaken when she said there were two soldiers. Lawyers for the soldier accused in the killings suggested Baraan might be influencing Masooma – especially since the defense was not allowed to speak with her.

No physical evidence has emerged to suggest more than one soldier took part in the killings. Surveillance footage from the base showed one soldier returning to the camp; the soldiers who greeted him said he was covered in blood.

Nevertheless, many Afghans villagers, including some eyewitnesses, continue to insist multiple soldiers were present during the attack.

In the interview with the AP, Masooma did not waver in her insistence that one soldier attacked her home, and Baraan denied that she ever reported seeing many soldiers outside. Masooma did recall flares lighting the sky until “night seemed like day” – which is consistent with testimony from the hearing, as guards said they fired a flare that illuminated the sky for 20 seconds after hearing gunshots. Masooma also said she heard helicopters overhead; there was no corroborating testimony at the hearing.

Masooma is absolutely certain of one thing: what it will take for her to find closure.

“I just want to see him killed,” she said of Bales. “I want to see him dead. Then I can let go.”

___

Kathy Gannon is AP Special Regional Correspondent for Afghanistan and Pakistan and can be reached at . Associated Press Writer Gene Johnson in Seattle contributed to this report. http://www.twitter.com/kathygannon

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Afghan women in Kabul Pul-e-charkhi prison over ‘moral’ crimes

 
 
 
This picture taken March 28 shows children walking through the prison in Badam Bagh, Afghanistan’s central women’s prison, in Kabul, Afghanistan.

 

 Lost and alone in a strange city, Mariam called the only person she knew, her husband’s cousin.

She worried he wouldn’t help her because she had left her home in Afghanistan’s northern Kunduz province, fleeting to the capital Kabul to escape her husband’s relentless and increasingly vicious beatings. But he promised to help. Too busy to come himself, he sent a friend who took her to “some house,” held a gun to her head and raped her.

Finished with her, he settled in front of a TV set, the gun on a table by his side. Choosing her moment, Mariam picked up the gun shot her assailant in the head and turned the gun on herself.

“Three days later I woke up in the hospital,” she said, slowly, shyly removing a scarf from her head to reveal a partially shaved head and a long jagged scar that ran almost the length of her head where the bullet grazed her scalp.

From the hospital Mariam was sent to a police station and from there to Badam Bagh, Afghanistan’s central women’s prison, where she told her story to The Associated Press.

For the past three months Mariam has been waiting to find out why she is in jail, the charges and when she can leave.

“I haven’t gone to court. I am just waiting.”

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The Afghan government has set up a delegation to investigate reports of torture in Afghan-run detention facilities.

The delegation, which was announced on Tuesday, was created two days after the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan published a report on the “ill-treatment of conflict-related detainees in Afghan custody.”

The fact-finding team – including advisors from the interior ministry and the National Directorate of Security, the Afghan intelligence agency, which were both implicated in the report – will be “tasked to fully investigate the claims of torture, mistreatment, death threats and sexual abuse in prisons, and any faults or misconduct during questioning and trial of detainees.”

The UN report, based on interviews with hundreds of detainees held in 89 facilities between October 2011 and October 2012, details 14 abusive practices, including the twisting of genitals, extracting fingernails and electric shock.

Perhaps most damning is a statement by an unnamed operative within the agency, who is quoted as saying “NDS has several secret places in which they detain and torture people.”

Conflicted relationship

The response to the allegations has highlighted the conflicted relationship that Afghan officials have with international agencies.

The initial response upon the report’s January 20 publication was denial. An NDS official, speaking to Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, called the claims against the intelligence agency baseless.

“People say they were beaten, but where are the bruises? If we rip out people’s fingernails, then show the scars. Prove it,” the official said, adding that the NDS only detains “the enemies of Afghanistan.”

“When people manage to speak to them alone, the stories change. They are looking to defend themselves, so they make up these false stories.”

The official argued that the 635 detainees interviewed by the UN were duped by a “welcoming war” of words by critics of the Afghan government, an increasingly common narrative in Kabul.

These doubts were echoed by Aimal Faizi, a presidential spokesman. ”While the Afghan government takes very seriously the allegations made in the UN report, we also question the motivations behind this report and the way it was conducted,” he said.

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Intelligence service may have created secret prisons and hidden detainees from international observers, survey finds.

The use of torture has risen in Afghan police jails over the past year, and there are “credible reports” the country’s intelligence service has created secret prisons and sometimes hides detainees from international observers, a damning UN survey has found.

Just over half of prisoners held in connection with Afghanistan’s long-running war endured torture or ill-treatment while in custody between October 2011 and October 2012, with 14 different methods recorded, including electric shocks, twisting of genitals, beatings with cables and rifle butts and suspension from the wrists or feet.

In southern Kandahar city, which appears to have the most extensive and deep-rooted problems with torture, dozens of men have also “disappeared” while in police custody, according to the 123-page report by the UN’s human rights office in Afghanistan, which includes a detailed, 20-page response from the Afghan government.

Torture is unlikely to diminish unless ministers and top security commanders are willing to prosecute and fire officials connected with mistreatment, and stop using confessions obtained through torture in court cases, the top UN human rights official in Afghanistan warned.

“Torture cannot be addressed by training, inspections and directives alone, but requires sound accountability measures to stop and prevent its use,” said Georgette Gagnon. “Without deterrents … Afghan officials have no incentive to stop torture.”

The report is worrying reading for foreign governments supporting Afghanistan’s police and army, both with troops on the ground and financially. There are legal restrictions on handing over prisoners if they will face a substantial risk of torture, and even though transfers have been restricted, voters may be unhappy about funding security forces implicated in torture.

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n mid-December 2012, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg awarded damages of €60,000 to Khaled El-Masri, a German citizen of Lebanese origin. The judges accepted that Macedonian security services had illegally seized El-Masri at the end of 2003, subjected him to abuse and finally handed him over to agents from the CIA.

The CIA then transported El-Masri to a secret prison in Afghanistan, where he was tortured and mistreated for months. The court saw this as a serious violation of the European Convention on Human Rights, to which the Republic of Macedonia has acceded.

Although only representatives of the Macedonian government were accused, the verdict has broader significance. For the first time the brutal intrigues of the US government and its European accomplices in the so-called “war on terror” have been condemned by an international court for breaching international laws.

Previously, all El-Masri’s attempts to find justice in Macedonia, Germany and the US had been systematically thwarted. Investigations, if they were conducted at all, were carried out reluctantly and half-heartedly; information was withheld by the investigating authorities citing “state secrecy”.

The ECHR regarded all aspects of El-Masri’s evidence as credible and supported by international investigations. His complaint that the measures taken against him, his handing over to CIA agents and the hindering of his attempts to seek legal redress breached the central articles of the European Convention on Human Rights was sustained in every point by the court.

Khaled El-Masri was arrested by security forces on his entry to Macedonia on December 31 2003, and then taken to a hotel in Skopje, where he was held for 23 days without access to the outside world and under constant surveillance by secret service agents. Although he was not physically mistreated by the Macedonian secret service agents, they threatened to shoot him if he attempted to leave the hotel.

On January 23, 2004, El-Masri was handcuffed and blindfolded, and taken to Skopje airport where he was handed over to masked CIA agents and abused physically and sexually. He was then forcibly taken onto a plane, thrown to the floor, chained and sedated.

Since this happened in the presence of Macedonian security officials the Strasbourg court judged that the Macedonian authorities were jointly responsible for the torture El-Masri suffered and guilty of breaching Article 3 of the European Convention, which prohibits torture as inhuman and degrading treatment.

Also, according to the judges, the Macedonian security forces were aware that the CIA plane would transport El-Masri to Afghanistan, since they had access to the flight plans. It must therefore have been clear to them that El-Masri would face further torture, they said.

In Afghanistan, El-Masri was taken to the infamous “Saltpit” prison, where he was further mistreated and questioned for extended periods. In May 2004, after four agonizing months, he was transported to Albania and then to Germany. The CIA had finally come to the conclusion that El-Masri was completely innocent and had been falsely detained.

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Philip Hammond, the defence secretary, tried to stop a hearing about the transfer of insurgents to Afghan jails where they risked being tortured. But his attempt to do so would not have been disclosed had the government’s “secret courts” bill become law, it emerged.

Lawyers acting for Hammond told the high court on Thursday that he was in possession of fresh evidence that had a “significant and serious impact” on the case. But the existence of the evidence would have been secret had thejustice and security bill, now going through parliament, been on the statute book.

The court heard earlier this month how the Foreign Office minister Lady Warsi had failed to question assurances by Asadullah Khalid, the head of the Afghan national directorate of security (NDS), even though he was alleged to be widely known to have been personally involved in torture.

“If the justice and security bill had been law today the defence secretary’s application for an adjournment would have been heard in secret and it is likely to have been granted without the claimant ever knowing why”, said Richard Stein of the law firm Leigh Day, representing Serdar Mohammed, tortured by the Afghan security services after being transferred to their custody by UK forces.

He added: “The judge ruled this cannot be done under our current law and long may it be so. The case could have gone away for months and possibly for ever and we would not have known the reasons why”.

After exchanges with the judge, Lord Justice Moses, James Eadie QC, for the defence secretary, told the hearing, “We cannot have a closed material process”, in recognition of the fact the only way to keep the new evidence secret under current laws would be to obtain a public interest immunity certificate.

Referring to the House of Lords defeat of key clauses in the proposed justice and security bill on Wednesday, Moses told Eadie: “Not until you can persuade your lordships”.

A heavily redacted document presented to the court showed that the government intended to suppress what it knew about Khalid and a Red Cross report on conditions in Afghan jails. The document was drawn up by vetted “special advocates” who expressed concern about the amount of evidence the defence secretary wanted to keep secret.

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Pakistani Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar

Afghanistan’s top peace negotiator Salahuddin Rabbani is arriving in Islamabad on Monday for a three-day visit. It is a positive development and should be hailed. To push forward the reconciliation process, Rabbani is likely to seek release of Taliban leaders languishing in Pakistani jails. The negotiator will have detailed meetings with President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar and top military leadership. Definitely, host of issues of bilateral interest would be discussed during these meetings. Officials privy to the development believe that Rabbani will also seek release of Taliban commander Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar during his negotiations with Pakistani leadership.

It is pertinent to mention here that Baradar was No. 2 in Taliban hierarchy when he was arrested in Karachi in February 2010. The Afghan leadership has high hopes for the release of Mullah Baradar. However, Pakistan has not expressed willingness to let the commander out of jail so far. During the negotiations, the Pakistani leadership will raise the issue of cross-border attacks and demand the arrest of Malala Yousufzai’s attackers allegedly hiding in Afghanistan. Recently, a report published in The Washington Post revealed that the mastermind behind the attack on Malala, Maulana Fazlullah, was hiding in eastern Afghanistan.

Now, why the Afghan government has attached high hopes with the release of Mullah Baradar from Pakistani prison has two reasons. First, Mullah Baradar is considered an influential Afghan Taliban commander and has also been engaged in a slew of negotiations with the government of Hamid Karzai. President Hamid Karzai and peace negotiator Salahuddin Rabbani believe that if they succeed in securing his release, they can easily initiate a meaningful dialogue process with the Taliban. It will be pertinent to mention here that Afghanistan’s Election Commission has already announced that Taliban can contest presidential election in 2014 after the second term of President Hamid Karzai.

The Afghan government apparently believes that lasting peace cannot be restored in the violence-wracked country until Taliban and their supporters are brought in the mainstream. It is now up to the negotiating skills of Salahuddin Rabbani. If a meaningful dialogue process is initiated with the Taliban and they are convinced to lay down arms, it will ultimately benefit Pakistan as well. The trust deficit between the governments of Pakistan and Afghanistan will be bridged and it will also lead to a significant reduction or more likely complete elimination of cross-border attacks by military forces of both the nations – the second reason the Afghan government wants to free Baradar from Pakistani prison.

StephenManual is based in New York City, New York, United States of America, and is a Reporter for Allvoices.
 
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